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1 | | As outlined in "Grand Strategy in the Second Term," the Bush Administration believed that it could invade Iraq without widespread consent because: |
| | A) | no other nation had the military strength to oppose the United States. |
| | B) | it expected a replay of the Afghanistan experience. |
| | C) | it had never waited for any international consent in previous conflicts. |
| | D) | the United States was under an immediate and obvious threat from Saddam Hussein's regime. |
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2 | | As highlighted in "Grand Strategy in the Second Term," respect in the Middle East for American culture, institutions, and leadership since the start of the Iraq war has: |
| | A) | remained constant. |
| | B) | reached new heights. |
| | C) | significantly declined. |
| | D) | slowly developed. |
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3 | | As argued in "Grand Strategy in the Second Term," the prospects for a multilateral effort to keep weapons of mass destruction out of the hands of tyrants and terrorists are better than they initially seemed. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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4 | | As characterized in "Hegemony on the Cheap," "classical liberal assumptions," which have guided U.S. foreign policy from the early twentieth century to the present, posit that: |
| | A) | the United States should foster democracy and free trade across the globe. |
| | B) | it is the responsibility of a centralized government to provide social services for its citizens. |
| | C) | ensuring market stability will inevitably produce democratic conditions. |
| | D) | creation of a stable world peace depends on intervention by elite, enlightened world leaders. |
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5 | | A key failure in the Bush Administration's approach to the wars on Afghanistan and Iraq, as observed in "Hegemony on the Cheap," involves: |
| | A) | preemptive military intervention. |
| | B) | ill-conceived military strategy during the early phases of active conflict. |
| | C) | insufficient attention paid to building domestic support for these conflicts. |
| | D) | lack of resources devoted to post-war reconstruction. |
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6 | | In contrast to Richard Nixon, both Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan emphasized a reassertion of liberal foreign policy ideals in their presidencies, as noted in "Hegemony on the Cheap." |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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7 | | The Bush Administration's foreign policy has been almost entirely shaped by the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, as put forth in "The Dilemma of the Last Sovereign," because the administration's leaders: |
| | A) | sensed this could cement its popularity with the public. |
| | B) | felt only a strong response could satisfy its critics. |
| | C) | felt a deep sense of responsibility for the attacks. |
| | D) | had no real foreign policy prior to the attacks. |
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8 | | To those who designed the Bush Administration's foreign policy, as maintained in "The Dilemma of the Last Sovereign," the September 11 attacks legitimated all of the following actions except: |
| | A) | de facto suspension of habeas corpus, even for U.S. citizens. |
| | B) | stress interrogation, or torture, of detainees. |
| | C) | hostility towards allies that would not agree to all the Administration's plans. |
| | D) | unilateral military action. |
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9 | | The U.S. military action against Iraq, along with its largely solitary stance on the International Criminal Court and the Kyoto Treaty, as explained in "The Dilemma of the Last Sovereign," have been striking assertions of the unique status of the United States as the last truly sovereign state. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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10 | | As reported in "The Eagle Has Crash Landed," the event that determined the geopolitical constraints of the second half of the twentieth century was the: |
| | A) | founding of the United Nations. |
| | B) | Yalta meeting of Roosevelt, Stalin, and Churchill. |
| | C) | development of nuclear weapons. |
| | D) | establishment of the state of Israel. |
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11 | | As pointed out in "The Eagle Has Crash Landed," hawks in the United States believe that: |
| | A) | the United States should act as an imperial power. |
| | B) | the United States cannot successfully invade Iraq. |
| | C) | nothing can slow the decline of the United States in international affairs. |
| | D) | Washington must have the support of Europe to act in the Middle East. |
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12 | | As stated in "The Eagle Has Crash Landed," Saddam Hussein would never have dared invade Kuwait had the Yalta agreements remained in place. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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13 | | The eventual decline of most empires, as maintained in "Strategic Fatigue," is usually the result of: |
| | A) | overthrow by a stronger power. |
| | B) | dissatisfaction on the part of the general public. |
| | C) | economic factors. |
| | D) | domestic policy mistakes. |
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14 | | A multipolar world, as explained in "Strategic Fatigue," multiplies the power of smaller states because it enables them to: |
| | A) | exist quietly in the shadow of one of the superpowers. |
| | B) | form temporary coalitions to counteract the actions of the superpowers. |
| | C) | experiment with their own government structures and policies. |
| | D) | fight local wars with the support of one or more of the superpowers. |
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15 | | In spite of its international power, as put forth in "Strategic Fatigue," the United States has so far avoided any suggestion that it has an empire. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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16 | | As described in "Exploiting Rivalries: Putin's Foreign Policy," Russian President Vladimir Putin's strategy for increasing the strength and influence of Russia in international politics is to: |
| | A) | remain neutral in conflicts between other nations. |
| | B) | play the various sides in international conflicts against one another. |
| | C) | threaten other nations with Russia's military power. |
| | D) | withhold economic aid to other nations until they grant concessions to Russia. |
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17 | | As reported in "Exploiting Rivalries: Putin's Foreign Policy," in 2002 when the United States sought to remove Saddam Hussein from power, Moscow angered Saddam by: |
| | A) | backing the U.S. plan to oust him. |
| | B) | breaking off the agreements that had been reached between Iraq and Russia regarding Iraqi oil. |
| | C) | refusing to comply with the "oil for food" program. |
| | D) | seeking assurances from Washington that Russia's oil deals with Iraq would be honored after Saddam's removal. |
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18 | | As explained in "Exploiting Rivalries: Putin's Foreign Policy," in recent years, Russia has become more powerful in its international relationships, both feared as a threat and valued as a friend. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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19 | | As stressed in "The United States and Russia in Central Asia: Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran," the primary U.S. interest in Central Asia is: |
| | A) | as a bulwark against regional powers such as Russia, China, or Iran. |
| | B) | to protect American commercial concerns in the exploitation of Caspian Sea energy resources. |
| | C) | in preventing the "Afghanicization" of the region and the spawning of more terrorist groups. |
| | D) | as a potential market. |
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20 | | As outlined in "The United States and Russia in Central Asia: Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran," the rest of the world started taking an interest in Central Asia upon the realization that: |
| | A) | Central Asia was a growing force in the global economy and could develop into a lucrative market. |
| | B) | several of its nations had allied with Russia to form a powerful voice in international politics. |
| | C) | the success of the war in Iraq was contingent upon their assent and assistance. |
| | D) | civil war and acute state failure in Afghanistan had facilitated the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. |
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21 | | As noted in "The United States and Russia in Central Asia: Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran," the United States had no history of engagement with Central Asia until 1990s. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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22 | | As described in "China's Response to the Bush Doctrine," the key elements of the Bush Administration's "quest for absolute security" are: |
| | A) | unilateralism and a strategic doctrine of preventive war. |
| | B) | positive-sum strategic games, designed to achieve win-win outcomes. |
| | C) | international institution-building and multilateralism. |
| | D) | rules-based collective action and conflict-resolution diplomacy. |
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23 | | As mentioned in "China's Response to the Bush Doctrine," critics like Cao Siyuan argue that, to be successful, China's "peaceful rise" strategy must be accompanied by: |
| | A) | an expansion of China's military. |
| | B) | economic reform to further open up China's market economy. |
| | C) | domestic political liberalization and greater transparency with respect to China's military posture. |
| | D) | a tightening of control over the Chinese economy to reduce growing disparities between rich and poor. |
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24 | | As asserted in "China's Response to the Bush Doctrine," China has no interest in stopping nuclear-weapons proliferation in Northeast Asia. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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25 | | Recently, as reported in "The Fallout of a Nuclear North Korea," North Korea agreed to rejoin multilateral talks over its nuclear program if the United States: |
| | A) | treated the North Koreans with respect. |
| | B) | increased its food aid to North Korea. |
| | C) | loosened its trade agreements with Japan. |
| | D) | withdrew troops from South Korea. |
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26 | | According to "The Fallout of a Nuclear North Korea," "creeping nuclearization" would allow North Korea to benefit from tensions over the issue between the United States and: |
| | A) | China. |
| | B) | Japan. |
| | C) | Russia. |
| | D) | South Korea. |
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27 | | If successful, as asserted in "The Fallout of a Nuclear North Korea," the six-party talks over North Korea's nuclear plans are likely to result in that country giving up is nuclear weapons program. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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28 | | The most important portion of the new U.S.-India strategic partnership, as described in "America's New Strategic Partner," is that the United States will now recognize India as a: |
| | A) | full partner in the war on terror. |
| | B) | mature democracy. |
| | C) | legitimate nuclear power. |
| | D) | post-colonial state. |
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29 | | In order for the U.S.-India strategic partnership agreement to take effect, as pointed out in "America's New Strategic Partner," the U.S. Congress must: |
| | A) | approve funding for the promised aid measures. |
| | B) | rewrite laws concerning India's nuclear position. |
| | C) | offer its full, declared support. |
| | D) | abandon plans for sanctioning India over its weapons program. |
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30 | | According to "America's New Strategic Partner," Washington's decision to trade nuclear recognition of India for a strategic partnership with the country was a huge mistake with long-lasting repercussions. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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31 | | The notion of American "exceptionalism," as assessed in "The U.S. and Latin America Through the Lens of Empire," entails for many Latin Americans the opposing qualities of: |
| | A) | praise for human equality and entrenched racism. |
| | B) | respect for the rule of law and unilateral action. |
| | C) | democratic principles and intolerant moralism. |
| | D) | commitment to global institutions and aggressive pursuit of self-interest. |
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32 | | The skepticism a great number of Latin Americans express regarding the U.S. war against Iraq, as detailed in "The U.S. and Latin America Through the Lens of Empire," has roots in: |
| | A) | regional opposition to capitalism. |
| | B) | widespread support in the region for guerilla resistance to imperialism. |
| | C) | growing nationalist and non-aligned sentiments in the southern hemisphere. |
| | D) | the region's experience with U.S. military occupations in the twentieth century. |
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33 | | As presented in "The U.S. and Latin America Through the Lens of Empire," preoccupation with cold war concerns prevented the United States from engaging constructively with Latin American nations in the 1980s. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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34 | | The challenges of securing the U.S.-Mexico border, as explained in "Politics on Edge: Managing the U.S.-Mexico Border," have grown more complex as the border-control agenda is now part of: |
| | A) | the war on drugs. |
| | B) | anti-immigration strategies on the part of some citizens. |
| | C) | counterterrorism efforts. |
| | D) | political campaigns to attract Latino voters. |
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35 | | Between 1993 and 2000, as reported in "Politics on Edge: Managing the U.S.-Mexico Border," the size of the U.S. Border Patrol more than doubled in size in an effort to: |
| | A) | manage the growing number of trucks transporting goods from Mexico. |
| | B) | control the influx of unauthorized migrants. |
| | C) | track the movement of U.S. currency into Mexico. |
| | D) | reduce violent crime in the border towns. |
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36 | | A hardening of the border, as maintained in "Politics on Edge: Managing the U.S.-Mexico Border," would probably do more to prevent legitimate trade and travel between the United States and Mexico than to prevent terrorism. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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37 | | In Mozambique's capital, Maputo, as described in "China's Africa Strategy," the Chinese government has provided the funding for the construction of a new: |
| | A) | Parliament building. |
| | B) | Ministry of Foreign Affairs. |
| | C) | National Library. |
| | D) | sports stadium. |
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38 | | The Chinese government, as put forth in "China's Africa Strategy," uses the term "independent foreign policy" to denote independence from: |
| | A) | the Taiwanese government. |
| | B) | the United Nations. |
| | C) | major international treaties. |
| | D) | the United States. |
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39 | | Until recently, as explained in "China's Africa Strategy," China has done little in international relations apart from defending its own interests. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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40 | | President Bush, as described in "The Author of Liberty: Religion and U.S. Foreign Policy," has declared that the United States has been given a mission to: |
| | A) | convert others to Christianity. |
| | B) | spread freedom and democracy. |
| | C) | punish violent leaders of other countries. |
| | D) | bring peace to the world. |
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41 | | According to "The Author of Liberty: Religion and U.S. Foreign Policy," throughout its history, the United States has been able to maintain its millennial outlook because it has: |
| | A) | always had a largely church-attending population. |
| | B) | been a democracy from the start. |
| | C) | carefully separated church and state affairs. |
| | D) | never suffered a crushing setback in its goals. |
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42 | | Since the founding of the United States, as maintained in "The Author of Liberty: Religion and U.S. Foreign Policy," Americans have often invoked the Bible and Protestant beliefs to explain their role in the world at large. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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43 | | Apart from terrorism and the war in Iraq, as presented in "The Tipping Points," Americans are deeply concerned about all of the following foreign-policy issues except: |
| | A) | U.S. dependence on foreign energy supplies. |
| | B) | illegal immigration. |
| | C) | the loss of long-standing allies. |
| | D) | U.S. jobs moving overseas. |
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44 | | The erosion in confidence in the policy of spreading democracy abroad, as reported in "The Tipping Points," has been most significant among: |
| | A) | moderate Republicans. |
| | B) | Republicans who regularly attend religious services. |
| | C) | recently registered Democratic voters. |
| | D) | Democrats who consider themselves liberals. |
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45 | | Overall, as stated in "The Tipping Points," in the most recent survey from Public Agenda, the general public appears to be more confident about U.S. foreign policy compared to an earlier survey. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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46 | | The first thing any president must do in order to lead effectively on economic issues, as put forth in "Trade Talk," is to: |
| | A) | assemble a team of advisors with varying viewpoints. |
| | B) | convince the public that trade is important. |
| | C) | reduce unemployment levels. |
| | D) | explain the international importance of economic policies. |
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47 | | For developing countries, as maintained in "Trade Talk," exposure to the global economy has all of the following social benefits except: |
| | A) | the spread of democracy. |
| | B) | increased rule of law. |
| | C) | greater educational opportunities. |
| | D) | reduced violence. |
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48 | | According to "Trade Talk," bilateral relations have improved with every country that has signed a free trade agreement with the United States. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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49 | | In the opinion of the author of "The Return of the Imperial Presidency?" the Bush Administration: |
| | A) | has exercised extra-constitutional power. |
| | B) | lacks the support of Congress for the war on terrorism. |
| | C) | backed up Vice President Cheney's claim of executive privilege. |
| | D) | has destroyed the balance of powers. |
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50 | | As noted in "The Return of the Imperial Presidency?" the weakening of the committee prerogatives and powers of Congress: |
| | A) | came about through action by the judiciary. |
| | B) | was done by Congress itself. |
| | C) | resulted from widespread corruption in the 1970s. |
| | D) | resulted from the weakening of party leadership. |
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51 | | As reported in "The Return of the Imperial Presidency?" Alexander Hamilton argued that war strengthens the executive at the expense of legislative authority. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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52 | | Since the end of the Cold War, as described in "The Truman Standard," comparisons between their current situations and the challenges faced by the Truman Administration have been made by the: |
| | A) | President. |
| | B) | Secretary of Defense. |
| | C) | Treasury Secretary. |
| | D) | Secretary of State. |
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53 | | Comparisons made by the Bush Administration to the Truman presidency, as pointed out in "The Truman Standard," often overlook the fact that the Truman Administration: |
| | A) | developed the tools to implement its policies over the long term. |
| | B) | carried out its plans through an economic depression. |
| | C) | did not have the full support of the Congress. |
| | D) | forged important international alliances. |
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54 | | Equating the Bush Administration with the Truman Administration, as maintained in "The Truman Standard," overall highlights more of the Bush Administration's strengths than its shortcomings. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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55 | | As explored in "In Defense of Striped Pants," the scapegoats who have primarily been blamed by the Bush Administration for failures in Iraq are: |
| | A) | Bush's advisors and strategists. |
| | B) | Condoleezza Rice and Donald Rumsfeld. |
| | C) | liberal members of Congress. |
| | D) | the career professionals in the CIA and State Department. |
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56 | | As cited in "In Defense of Striped Pants," the Bush Administration made all of the following claims about career professionals except that they are: |
| | A) | unwilling to carry out the administration's policies. |
| | B) | unable to see the merits of the administration's policies. |
| | C) | too often ignored by the administration. |
| | D) | insufficiently aggressive in explaining the administration's wisdom to a skeptical world. |
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57 | | As stated in "In Defense of Striped Pants," the Bush Administration did a great deal to encourage serious internal debate and consideration of alternative policy approaches. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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58 | | Even many of President Bush's strongest supporters, as cited in "The Need for a Military Draft: Protecting Superpower Status," agree that his administration made a major mistake in: |
| | A) | miscalculating public support for the war in Iraq. |
| | B) | invading Iraq with too few troops. |
| | C) | not fully supplying the military for the war in Iraq. |
| | D) | believing traditional allies would support the war in Iraq. |
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59 | | Some of the foreign scenarios that could quickly overwhelm the U.S. military, as described in "The Need for a Military Draft: Protecting Superpower Status," include all of the following except: |
| | A) | an implosion of the North Korean regime. |
| | B) | a Chinese attack on Taiwan. |
| | C) | worsening relations between Russia and the former Soviet states. |
| | D) | worsening of the ethnic cleansing in Sudan. |
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60 | | For the last eight months in Iraq, as pointed out in "The Need for a Military Draft: Protecting Superpower Status," the security forces of the provisional Iraqi government grew at a far faster rate than the ranks of the insurgency. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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61 | | The author of "Checks, Balances, and Wartime Detainees" praises the Hamdi v. Rumsfeld decision for recognition of the fact that the war on terrorism is: |
| | A) | a vague and unwinnable construct that could be used to justify virtually any executive action. |
| | B) | not substantively different from other wars fought by U.S. forces. |
| | C) | an actual state of military hostilities authorized by Congress and triggering traditional presidential war powers. |
| | D) | largely concluded and thus no longer at issue. |
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62 | | As summarized in "Checks, Balances, and Wartime Detainees," in Padilla v. Rumsfeld, the Supreme Court: |
| | A) | ruled that a citizen can be held as an enemy combatant. |
| | B) | placed Guantanamo Bay within the jurisdiction of the federal courts. |
| | C) | did virtually nothing at all. |
| | D) | affirmed that federal detainees have the right to counsel. |
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63 | | As observed in "Checks, Balances, and Wartime Detainees," the president's actual power to detain enemy combatants may not have been materially damaged either with respect to citizens domestically or with respect to enemy fighters captured and held abroad. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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64 | | Historians chronicling foreign affairs, as explained in "Law, Liberty and War," tend to define their timelines on the basis of: |
| | A) | international economic issues. |
| | B) | presidential administrations. |
| | C) | military conflicts. |
| | D) | far-reaching treaties. |
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65 | | According to Anne-Marie Slaughter, as presented in "Law, Liberty and War," telling citizens that they live in wartime is good for increasing defense budgets as well as: |
| | A) | inspiring a sense of patriotism. |
| | B) | expanding presidential power. |
| | C) | distracting attention away from domestic problems. |
| | D) | consolidating legislative power. |
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66 | | As maintained by Jeremy Rabkin in "Law, Liberty and War," the current war has had far less impact on individual civil liberties in the United States than past conflicts. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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67 | | As described in "Words vs. Deeds: President George W. Bush and Polling," President George W. Bush's administration: |
| | A) | makes all its decisions based on poll results. |
| | B) | has engaged in anti-polling rhetoric. |
| | C) | uses polls only for domestic issues. |
| | D) | depends on the same pollsters as the Clinton Administration. |
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68 | | A key role for polling in presidential policymaking has been assured in the administration of George W. Bush by his close relationship with: |
| | A) | Karl Rove. |
| | B) | Lee Atwater. |
| | C) | Robert Teeter. |
| | D) | Patrick Caddell. |
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69 | | As mentioned in "Words vs. Deeds: President George W. Bush and Polling," President George W. Bush is noted for his disdain of public opinion polls. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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70 | | The central problem with the Bush Administration's approach to national security, as explicated in "The Pros from Dover," concerns its: |
| | A) | processes for implementing National Security Council decisions. |
| | B) | lack of attention to detail. |
| | C) | conceptualization of the fight against terrorism as a war. |
| | D) | methods of policymaking. |
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71 | | At the outset of its term in office, as maintained in "The Pros from Dover," the Bush Administration's national security priority involved: |
| | A) | resolving international ethnic- and religious-based conflicts. |
| | B) | combating international terrorism. |
| | C) | combating domestic terrorist threats. |
| | D) | refashioning U.S. relationships with traditional allies. |
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72 | | As detailed in "The Pros from Dover," President Bush received intelligence reports in the summer of 2001 warning of specific, imminent threats from Al Qaeda. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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73 | | As posited in "America's Sticky Power," the fundamental rule guiding U.S. security policy since the early nineteenth century has been to: |
| | A) | project U.S. power abroad. |
| | B) | maintain the Western Hemisphere free of European or Asian influence. |
| | C) | create robust international institutions to maintain global peace. |
| | D) | prevent conflict between the major world powers through military deterrence. |
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74 | | According to "America's Sticky Power," one the main accomplishments U.S. foreign policy achieved in the twentieth century is the: |
| | A) | creation of international institutions to monitor and enforce human rights. |
| | B) | development of sound methods for reducing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. |
| | C) | advancement toward global economic integration and free trade. |
| | D) | reduction of poverty and gross disparities in wealth distribution internationally. |
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75 | | As posed in "America's Sticky Power," one of the key problems in making the U.S. economy a global "consumer of last resort" is that such a policy stimulates debilitating trade deficits. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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76 | | The most immediate example of a country using its oil-production capabilities to act against U.S. interests and undermine its influence in a region, as described in "The New Axis of Oil," can be found in: |
| | A) | Venezuela. |
| | B) | China. |
| | C) | Nigeria. |
| | D) | Saudi Arabia. |
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77 | | At the center of the increasingly assertive axis of oil, as put forth in "The New Axis of Oil," are Russia and: |
| | A) | Iran. |
| | B) | India. |
| | C) | China. |
| | D) | Turkey. |
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78 | | It seems likely, as stated in "The New Axis of Oil," that the world has reached the peak point of global oil supplies. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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79 | | According to "Requiem for the Bush Doctrine," by the standards of preventive war, the war in Iraq: |
| | A) | is only partially justifiable. |
| | B) | must be categorized a military failure. |
| | C) | will have to be a long-term event. |
| | D) | was an example of overkill. |
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80 | | In discussing the current state of the U.S. military, the author of "Requiem for the Bush Doctrine" suggests that it: |
| | A) | must have an expanded and updated arsenal to be effective. |
| | B) | is ready to flood the most obscure areas of the Earth with troops at a moment's notice. |
| | C) | has gotten unmanageably large. |
| | D) | does not possess the depth required to implement a policy of preventive war on a sustained basis. |
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81 | | As stated in "Requiem for the Bush Doctrine," today the United States appears to be providing fewer public goods while at the same time the irritations associated with U.S. dominance seem to be growing. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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82 | | Recently, as explained in "Base Politics," U.S. personnel were evicted from a military base they had been using in: |
| | A) | Romania. |
| | B) | Ukraine. |
| | C) | Uzbekistan. |
| | D) | Kyrgyzstan. |
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83 | | In the 1960s, as described in "Base Politics," President Kennedy's desire to maintain access to important military bases in the Portugese Azores led him to curb the push for: |
| | A) | greater press freedoms in Portugal. |
| | B) | decolonization in Africa. |
| | C) | trade sanctions against Portugal. |
| | D) | closer relations between Spain and Portugal. |
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84 | | Pentagon officials in favor of U.S. bases in non-democratic countries, as noted in "Base Politics," often claim these provide the United States with additional leverage to press the foreign governments to liberalize. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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85 | | The greatest percentage of survey respondents, as reported in "The Terrorism Index," believes that the single greatest threat to U.S. national security is: |
| | A) | nuclear weapons or weapons of mass destruction. |
| | B) | Bush Administration policies. |
| | C) | Iran. |
| | D) | economic decline. |
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86 | | The country that has produced the greatest number of terrorists, according to the participants of the survey described in "The Terrorism Index," is: |
| | A) | Egypt. |
| | B) | Saudi Arabia. |
| | C) | Iran. |
| | D) | Lebanon. |
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87 | | In spite of today's highly politicized national-security environment, as noted in "The Terrorism Index," the terrorism index results show a notable consensus across political party lines. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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88 | | In describing the current nuclear posture of the United States, the author of "A Nuclear Posture for Today" notes that: |
| | A) | the rapidly shrinking size of the U.S. nuclear arsenal poses a national security risk. |
| | B) | it focuses primarily on countering the proliferation of nuclear weapons. |
| | C) | it does not reflect the shift in the nature of the nuclear threat. |
| | D) | too much account is taken of the impact it has on the nuclear policies of other countries. |
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89 | | As reported in "A Nuclear Posture for Today," nations that have ratified the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty include all of the following except: |
| | A) | China. |
| | B) | Russia. |
| | C) | France. |
| | D) | the United States. |
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90 | | As stated in "A Nuclear Posture for Today," there has been a radical change in policy reflecting the necessary purposes of the U.S. nuclear arsenal. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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91 | | In describing current U.S. nuclear policy, the author of "Apocalypse Soon" notes that: |
| | A) | it has recently backed away from the traditional no-first-use policy. |
| | B) | nuclear weapons cannot be used without authorization from Congress. |
| | C) | military necessity is the only justification for maintaining the arsenal. |
| | D) | the risk of accidental launch is unacceptably high in the current framework. |
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92 | | According to "Apocalypse Soon," the large number of civilian deaths at Hiroshima and Nagasaki: |
| | A) | was an unforeseen consequence of dropping the bomb. |
| | B) | was the result of co-locating civilians with military and industrial targets. |
| | C) | was the objective of dropping the bombs. |
| | D) | has been grossly exaggerated. |
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93 | | As stated in "Apocalypse Soon," U.S. nuclear policy was radically changed in response to the collapse of the Soviet Union. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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94 | | It appears, as put forth in "When Could Iran Get the Bomb?" that Iran will not have enough highly enriched uranium to make a nuclear weapon for at least another: |
| | A) | 7 months. |
| | B) | 3 years. |
| | C) | 10 years. |
| | D) | 12 years. |
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95 | | The P-1 centrifuge that Iran is currently relying on, as asserted in "When Could Iran Get the Bomb?" is a design Iran developed from plans acquired illegally from: |
| | A) | Russia. |
| | B) | China. |
| | C) | Pakistan. |
| | D) | Libya. |
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96 | | The U.S. intelligence community, as reported in "When Could Iran Get the Bomb?" believes that Iran most likely has the fissile material for a nuclear weapon, if not an actual weapon itself. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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97 | | As cited in "Lifting the Veil: Understanding the Roots of Islamic Militancy," public opinion polls in the Islamic world indicate that Muslim hostility toward the United States is: |
| | A) | a myth, since most Muslims view the United States very favorably. |
| | B) | primarily the result of U.S. policies in the Arab world. |
| | C) | almost entirely a matter of cultural and religious differences. |
| | D) | the result of propaganda by Arab leaders eager to distract their subjects from their own excesses. |
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98 | | As explained in "Lifting the Veil: Understanding the Roots of Islamic Militancy," the issue that arouses the most hostility in the Middle East toward the United States is the: |
| | A) | 1999 war in Kosovo. |
| | B) | 2003 invasion of Iraq. |
| | C) | Israeli-Palestinian conflict. |
| | D) | 1991 Gulf War. |
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99 | | As stated in "Lifting the Veil: Understanding the Roots of Islamic Militancy," the Bush Administration's war on terror has had very little effect on Muslim views of the United States. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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100 | | According to "Iraq and Democracy: The Lessons Learned," the typical successful experience in overtaking a country involves a(n): |
| | A) | populace already on the verge of rebellion. |
| | B) | skillful intelligence assessment about the likely outcome. |
| | C) | overwhelming commitment of force for winning the peace. |
| | D) | international group willing to make a long-term commitment. |
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101 | | The U.S. troops that invaded Iraq, as put forth in "Iraq and Democracy: The Lessons Learned," lacked key personnel such as: |
| | A) | experienced fighter pilots. |
| | B) | military police. |
| | C) | medical experts. |
| | D) | ground translators. |
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102 | | In terms of international public opinion, as stated in "Iraq and Democracy: The Lessons Learned," in spite of the Bush Administration's claims of a coalition, the Iraq war is largely a U.S. effort. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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103 | | The Iraqi Transportation Minister, as reported in "Centripetal Force: The Case for Staying in Iraq," has turned over responsibility for the maintenance of Baghdad International Airport to: |
| | A) | U.S. contractors. |
| | B) | the children of Sadr City. |
| | C) | the insurgent Mahdi Army. |
| | D) | volunteer citizen groups. |
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104 | | According to "Centripetal Force: The Case for Staying in Iraq," the Sunni lawmaker Mishaan Al Juburi was recently charged with embezzling funds meant to pay for the protection of an oil pipeline, and it is believed that he used the money to: |
| | A) | support radical groups in Iran. |
| | B) | purchase plans for nuclear weapons from Pakistan. |
| | C) | support insurgents who blew up the pipeline. |
| | D) | begin funding a new life in the United States. |
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105 | | The Sunni insurgency in Iraq, as put forth in "Centripetal Force: The Case for Staying in Iraq," remains a largely one-sided campaign of terrorism, with the Shia unable to defend themselves successfully. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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106 | | The Bush Administration, as described in "Withdraw Now," has attempted to cover its failed strategy in Iraq by: |
| | A) | increasing its attacks on critics. |
| | B) | detaining more supposed terrorists. |
| | C) | decreasing its funding requests for reconstruction efforts. |
| | D) | redefining victory to ever-lower standards. |
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107 | | Even if the United States were to successfully train an Iraqi military and police force, as maintained in "Withdraw Now," the likely result would be: |
| | A) | a new military dictatorship governing the country. |
| | B) | continued targeting of these officers by the insurgents. |
| | C) | escalating corruption within the ranks. |
| | D) | desertion when faced with the difficulties of containing a civil war. |
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108 | | The Bush Administration's response to Rep. John Murtha's call for a pullout from Iraq, as noted in "Withdraw Now," was a speech and strategy document that indicated significant alterations in the course of the U.S. involvement in Iraq. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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109 | | According to "The Right Way: Seven Steps Toward a Last Chance in Iraq," the most important mission of counterinsurgency forces should be to: |
| | A) | increase the support of allies. |
| | B) | stabilize the economy of Iraq. |
| | C) | provide basic safety for the general population. |
| | D) | fight against the insurgent militias. |
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110 | | The Sunni militias that now dominate central and southern Iraq, as explained in "The Right Way: Seven Steps Toward a Last Chance in Iraq," are fighting for all of the following reasons except that they: |
| | A) | fear what the new Iraqi government will mean for them. |
| | B) | wish to establish a more secular government. |
| | C) | seek greater power and control over large portions of Iraq. |
| | D) | fear the violence of the Shiite militias. |
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111 | | It seems likely, as stated in "The Right Way: Seven Steps Toward a Last Chance in Iraq," that there remains only a six-month to year-long window for the Iraqi government and the United States to stabilize Iraq and curb the violence before the situation becomes uncontrollably chaotic. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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112 | | Iran, as reported in "Contemplating the Ifs," played a direct role in an attack on U.S. military personnel in: |
| | A) | Saudi Arabia. |
| | B) | Egypt. |
| | C) | Yemen. |
| | D) | Kuwait. |
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113 | | A commando operation in Iran, as pointed out in "Contemplating the Ifs," would only sound viable if the planners ignored the fact that: |
| | A) | there are few fully trained commandos in the U.S. military. |
| | B) | these operations often result in unacceptably high casualties. |
| | C) | the population in Iran would be intensely hostile to such missions. |
| | D) | there is no likely place outside Iran to base such an operation. |
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114 | | The leaders of Iran, as mentioned in "Contemplating the Ifs," are probably correct in that the warnings issued by the Bush Administration are more bark than bite. |
| | A) | True |
| | B) | False |
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