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1 | |
The fact that political and economic elites in other countries tolerate corrupt and unethical conduct and are the very ones to benefit from that conduct in certain cases does not provide evidence to support the claim that what we take as unethical is ethically acceptable there. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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2 | |
The maximalist approach to the question of whether there are any values that can be reasonably applied across cultures holds that as long as corporations cause no harm, they have fulfilled their ethical responsibilities by meeting their economic goal of producing goods, services, jobs, and profits for consumers, employees and shareholders. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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3 | |
One major challenge to the minimalist approach which holds that business is free to pursue its economic interests as long as certain minimal moral rights are not violated in the process is that it does not seem to explain why the responsibilities correlated with these rights fall to multinational business rather than to government. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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4 | |
Decisions made within businesses only rarely can have as great an influence on international affairs as those made within government, so they are not one of the central problems of worldwide economic integration. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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5 | |
Defenders of globalization argue that international economic integration is an essential step in worldwide economic growth which alone can adequately address worldwide poverty and deprivation. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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6 | |
The argument that the free, competitive international market will provide a more efficient and optimal distribution of economic goods and services is utilitarian in that the recipient of the market's benefits is the collective "greatest number of people" while allowing that the market may cause harm to actual individuals and their families in the process. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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7 | |
There is no strong worldwide political consensus in favor of local environmental, labor, and consumer regulation, so there is no opposition to free trade agreement and the WTO that will be major engines for deregulation. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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8 | |
Defenders of the "Golden Straitjacket" policies argue that poor nations are free to reject such policies as, among others, making the private sector the engine of economic growth, eliminating and lowering tariffs on imported goods, getting rid of quotas and domestic monopolies, opening industries, stock, and bond markets to direct foreign ownership and investment, but that the poor nations cannot reasonably expect economic prosperity to follow from alternative policies. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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9 | |
Defenders of institution like the WTO, World Bank, and the IMF claim that because these institutions exist and have authority only because nations have agreed to have them exist with authority, have freely entered into agreements that created and control them, their critics can be accused of supporting undemocratic policies. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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10 | |
Even though much of the wealth of the industrialized nations relies on the resources and markets in the developing world, that is not a reason to believe that taking steps to relieve poverty in these countries is an ethical duty of the citizens and business of the industrialized world rather than a simple act of charity. |
| | A) | TRUE |
| | B) | FALSE |
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2003 McGraw-Hill Higher Education