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| 1 | |
According to Kitching, who believes that Africa is a lost cause, what has been the most damaging legacy of colonialism in Africa? |
| | A) | "Neo-imperialist" economic and cultural relations |
| | B) | Environmental degradation from excessive resource use |
| | C) | European guilt and African psychological dependence |
| | D) | Depleted cropland and widespread famine |
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| 2 | |
Marc Epprecht disagrees with the position of Gavin Kitching in all of the following broad ways except: |
| | A) | He asserts that Kitching compares the present unfavorably to the late colonial era in general terms based on select anecdotes. |
| | B) | He disagrees that there is paralysis in African Studies. |
| | C) | He asserts that scholars have never been complicit by legitimizing abusive and corrupt elites. |
| | D) | Kitching presents a falsely undifferentiated Africa. |
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| 3 | |
Paul Lovejoy argues that the slave trade across the Atlantic marked a radical break in the history of Africa. This claim is supported by all of the following assertions except: |
| | A) | The scale of the trans-Atlantic trade was relatively large. |
| | B) | The demographic impact of the trade on Africa was significant. |
| | C) | The trans-Atlantic slave trade was spear-headed by local elites. |
| | D) | The slave population in Africa grew as the slave trade increased with the Americas. |
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| 4 | |
John Thornton argues against the 'transformation thesis' by making all of the following points except: |
| | A) | Africans were experienced traders who were not dominated by European merchants. |
| | B) | Slavery was a relatively new idea that was rarely practiced on the African continent in any form. |
| | C) | Slavery was widespread and indigenous in African society. |
| | D) | The negative demographic impact of the slave trade was local and difficult to disentangle from other factors. |
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| 5 | |
Carney employs all but which form of evidence below to support her argument that African-born slaves initiated rice planting in South Carolina by teaching white planters to grow the crop? |
| | A) | Archival materials that document a tutorial role for African slaves. |
| | B) | The environment and rice production system in South Carolina was remarkably similar to those in West Africa. |
| | C) | A similar approach (in West Africa and South Carolina) to processing rice grain for consumption. |
| | D) | Similarities between West Africa and South Carolina in irrigation approaches and irrigation technologies. |
| | E) | African rice routinely provisioned slave ships, providing the enslaved the opportunity to grow their food staple for subsistence. |
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| 6 | |
Heyaward argues that the methods used by early Carolina planters are most similar to those found in which country? |
| | A) | Madagascar |
| | B) | China |
| | C) | The Gambia |
| | D) | Brazil |
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| 7 | |
Colchester states that after it granted its former African colonies independence, the French government intervened in African politics to |
| | A) | prevent human-rights abuses. |
| | B) | stop Communist revolutions. |
| | C) | ensure fair elections. |
| | D) | protect its economic interests in the resources of the former colonies. |
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| 8 | |
Grier states that her findings do not support "a crude form of the exploitation theory...", a theory that asserts that |
| | A) | higher levels of resource exploitation in a country lead to higher rates of economic growth. |
| | B) | greater exploitation of agricultural resources and more intensive farming practices lead to higher crop yields. |
| | C) | colonialism caused instability and dependence in colonial states through exploitation of the native population. |
| | D) | higher levels of resource exploitation lead to environmental degradation and slow economic growth. |
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| 9 | |
Scott believes that IMF programs in Africa |
| | A) | are not effective in promoting economic development. |
| | B) | cause more problems by cutting funding for critical social services. |
| | C) | are currently the most promising solutions to Africa's economic problems. |
| | D) | are always successful in solving both economic and social problems. |
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| 10 | |
According to Mkandawire, the (structural adjustment) policies designed to integrate Africa into the global economy have failed because: |
| | A) | These policies have not been encouraged by the Bretton Woods institutions. |
| | B) | They have sidestepped the developmental needs of the continent and questions on the form of integration appropriate to addressing those needs. |
| | C) | They have not sufficiently emphasized the importance of trade. |
| | D) | They encourage overspending on social programs. |
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| 11 | |
The Six- S approach entailed all of the following except: |
| | A) | Village federations decide which group projects will be funded. |
| | B) | Six-S works with traditional village groups known as naams. |
| | C) | Six-S does not design or manage project on the behalf of villages. |
| | D) | Six-S decides what broad types of projects will be funded. |
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| 12 | |
According to Mohan, how do NGOs conflict with local governments? |
| | A) | They take over the government's function of providing social welfare services. |
| | B) | They compete with local governments for financial resources from the national government. |
| | C) | They establish their own programs and structures, bypassing existing local government authority and procedures. |
| | D) | Programs developed by NGOs replace similar programs that have already been established by local governments. |
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| 13 | |
Dorothy Logie and Michael Rowson, who believe that developed countries should provide debt relief to the poorest, indebted African nations, emphasize that debt relief should be particularly concerned with |
| | A) | improving human development issues, such as healthcare. |
| | B) | sustained economic growth that will ensure that countries in sub-Saharan Africa will not accumulate large foreign debts in the future. |
| | C) | rapid economic development that will allow countries to pay off their foreign debts as quickly as possible. |
| | D) | structural adjustment programs that will reduce poverty by creating more jobs. |
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| 14 | |
Why does Robert Snyder, who does not believe that developed countries should provide debt relief to the poorest, indebted African nations, assert that we should be cautious about debt relief in Africa? |
| | A) | Debt relief in Africa will only encourage countries in other parts of the world to increase their foreign debt in order to obtain debt relief. |
| | B) | Corrupt African leaders and elites will use the money from debt relief to increase their own wealth. |
| | C) | Structural adjustment programs that are a part of many debt relief agendas will only encourage short-term growth, rather than sustained economic development. |
| | D) | Structural adjustment programs often result in government budget cuts that threaten social welfare services. |
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| 15 | |
Why do Oliver Maponga and Philip Maxwell, who believe that abundant mineral and energy resources are a catalyst for African development, state that development of Africa's mineral industry will be important to the economic growth of many African nations? |
| | A) | The mineral industry can be a high contributor to GDP. |
| | B) | The mineral industry can greatly increase export income. |
| | C) | It creates linkages to and supports other parts of the national economy. |
| | D) | all of the above |
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| 16 | |
Sunday Dare, who does not believe that abundant mineral and energy resources are a catalyst for African development, states that economic decline, political chaos, and the rise of repressive political leaders has been accelerated by |
| | A) | Africa's failure to develop its own mineral extraction
industries. |
| | B) | Africa's failure to allow transnational corporations to invest in mineral extraction and economic development on the continent. |
| | C) | the expansion of transnational corporations within Africa, especially in natural resource industries. |
| | D) | declines in mineral extraction industries. |
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| 17 | |
Machuka makes all of following points in his article except: |
| | A) | Biotech is the most promising approach for addressing a host of crop production constraints. |
| | B) | Only allow limited use of biotechnology. |
| | C) | Biotechnology research needs to be undertaken by Africans for Africans. |
| | D) | Africans want to become food self-sufficient because they are tired of accepting handouts. |
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| 18 | |
All of the following are reasons why Halweil believes the biotech solution to Striga is problematic except: |
| | A) | It will be costly for farmers. |
| | B) | Bioengineered crops can have harmful effects on human health. |
| | C) | It adds no other benefits to the agricultural system. |
| | D) | It would increase chemical use. |
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| 19 | |
According to Mortimore and Tiffen, what happened to food crop production in Machakos from 1930-1987? |
| | A) | It was unable to keep up with population growth. |
| | B) | It remained stable throughout the entire period. |
| | C) | It kept up with population growth. |
| | D) | It exceeded the rate of population growth, making imported foods unnecessary. |
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| 20 | |
Murton questions the conclusions of Mortimore and Tiffen in Machakos by finding all of the following except: |
| | A) | Environmental conservation did not occur during periods of population growth. |
| | B) | A polarization of land holdings. |
| | C) | Differential trends in Agricultural productivity. |
| | D) | A decline in food self-sufficiency. |
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| 21 | |
According to Newmark and Hough, the objective assessment of ICDPs has been hindered by |
| | A) | assessment at a very early stage of project implementation. |
| | B) | the absence of ecological monitoring to evaluate the impact of development. |
| | C) | illegal poaching, which leads to an inaccurate representation of the effects of development on the number of individuals in wildlife populations in the preserve. |
| | D) | Both a and b. |
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| 22 | |
What does Neumann believe are the effects of buffer zones on local land and resource control? |
| | A) | They expand government authority beyond the bounds of protected areas and into local communities and lead to abuses of power. |
| | B) | They are successful integrations of local people into conservation management. |
| | C) | They increase local control over natural resources. |
| | D) | They expand local land and resource control into the protected areas and threaten conservation goals. |
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| 23 | |
According to Kevin M. Cleaver and Götz A. Schreiber, who believe that sub-Saharan Africa is experiencing a deforestation crisis, the most effective way to stop the degradation of forests to |
| | A) | reduce population growth. |
| | B) | intensify agricultural production at a rate that exceeds the rate of population growth. |
| | C) | set aside more land for forest preservation. |
| | D) | both a and b |
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| 24 | |
According to Thomas J. Bassett and Koli Bi Zuéli, who do not believe that sub-Saharan Africa is experiencing a deforestation crisis, what is one of the most difficult parts of environmental planning and policymaking? |
| | A) | obtaining funding for environmental protection programs |
| | B) | accommodating the needs of all the different groups that will be affected by policy measures |
| | C) | identifying environmental problems and their causes |
| | D) | obtaining data through field research |
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| 25 | |
What does Richard A. Shweder, who believes that female genital cutting should be accepted as a cultural practice, assert should be the response to the cases of medical complications that arise from the practice of FGM? |
| | A) | All FGM practices should be discontinued. |
| | B) | Only the most harmful types of FGM should be discontinued. |
| | C) | Unsanitary surgical procedures or malpractice should be corrected, but cultures should be allowed to continue the practice of FGM. |
| | D) | Cultures should be allowed to continue their own FGM practices without any interference. |
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| 26 | |
According to Liz Creel et al., who do not believe that female genital cutting should be accepted as a cultural practice, many international conventions |
| | A) | protect FGM as an important cultural practice in many places. |
| | B) | allow governments to intervene and stop the practice of FGM only in cases where it causes health problems. |
| | C) | allow each country to decide how they want to deal with cultural FGM practices. |
| | D) | recognize traditional practices such as FGM as violations of human rights. |
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| 27 | |
According to Richard A. Schroeder, who believes that women are in a position to challenge male power structures in Africa, what did the women in Kerewan gain from the intra-household negotiations that took place as a result of the garden boom? |
| | A) | a new autonomy that brought increased social freedoms and obligations |
| | B) | increased political power within the community |
| | C) | privilege and prestige similar to that held by men under the traditional patriarchal system |
| | D) | complete social and economic freedom from their husbands |
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| 28 | |
The authors at the Human Rights Watch, who do not believe that women are in a position to challenge male power structures in Africa, state that Kenya is violating its obligations under international law by |
| | A) | failing to modify social and cultural practices that are discriminatory towards women. |
| | B) | interfering with cultural customs. |
| | C) | refusing to address the connection between HIV/AIDS and a lack of property rights for women. |
| | D) | creating laws that take away women's property rights. |
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| 29 | |
Why does Akin Jimoh, who believes that international drug companies should provide HIV/AIDS drugs to Africa free of charge, state that the cuts in the prices of HIV/AIDS drugs that are being proposed by pharmaceutical companies will not do enough to help the crisis? |
| | A) | Even when the price is lowered, the yearly costs will be unaffordable for most Africans. |
| | B) | Pharmaceutical companies are unwilling to give up their patents, so they would still have control over the price and availability. |
| | C) | More aid is needed from rich nations in order to pay for drugs and other methods of fighting HIV/AIDS. |
| | D) | all of the above |
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| 30 | |
Why does Siddhartha Mukherjee, who does not believe that international drug companies should provide HIV/AIDS drugs to Africa free of charge, assert that pharmaceutical companies should not just provide cheap HIV/AIDS drugs to Africa? |
| | A) | Inadequate health care facilities in Africa would prevent many people who need HIV/AIDS drugs from getting them. |
| | B) | Many places in Africa do not have adequate health care facilities to supervise the distribution and use of the drug, so new drug-resistant strains of the virus emerge. |
| | C) | They will no longer be able to make a profit from HIV/AIDS drugs. |
| | D) | It would be a more effective solution for pharmaceutical companies to help fund HIV/AIDS prevention programs in Africa. |
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| 31 | |
According to William A. Rushing, who believes that sexual promiscuity is a major reason for the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Africa, all of the following are African cultural beliefs that affect sexual behaviors except which one? |
| | A) | the transactional aspect of sexual relations |
| | B) | sex-positive beliefs |
| | C) | discrimination against women |
| | D) | masculine sexual ideology |
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| 32 | |
Joseph R. Oppong and Exekiel Kalipeni, who do not believe that sexual promiscuity is a major reason for the HIV/AIDS epidemic in Africa, assert that Rushing's conclusions about the spread of HIV/AIDS in Africa are not meaningful because Rushing |
| | A) | overgeneralizes African culture. |
| | B) | makes ethnocentric conclusions about African culture. |
| | C) | does not explain geographic variation in the distribution of HIV/AIDS across Africa. |
| | D) | all of the above |
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| 33 | |
Michael Bratton and Robert Mattes, who believe that multi-party democratic traditions are taking hold in Africa, found that satisfaction with democracy among African citizens in the countries studied depends on the government's performance in delivering |
| | A) | political goods. |
| | B) | economic goods. |
| | C) | both political and economic goods, although the provision of political goods is a better predictor of satisfaction with democracy. |
| | D) | both political and economic goods, although the provision of economic goods is a better predictor of satisfaction with democracy. |
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| 34 | |
According to Joel D. Barkan, who does not believe that multi-party democratic traditions are taking hold in Africa, why do "realists" assert that the increase in the number of multi-party elections that have taken place in Africa is not a good indication of democratic progress? |
| | A) | Many of these multi-party elections either did not result in a change of government or were not considered to be free and fair. |
| | B) | In many countries, the leaders that have been elected through multi-party elections have not advanced democracy within the country. |
| | C) | The protection of civil liberties is a better indicator of democratic progress than multi-party elections. |
| | D) | all of the above |
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| 35 | |
According to Arthur A. Goldsmith, who believes that foreign assistance is useful for fostering democracy in Africa, all of the following are types of evidence that support the idea of a trend towards democracy in Africa except which one? |
| | A) | an increased number of elections and increasingly competitive elections |
| | B) | greater income equality |
| | C) | a rise in the overall indexes of political freedom |
| | D) | the adoption of more liberal rules of political participation |
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| 36 | |
According to Julie Hearn, who does not believe that foreign assistance is useful for fostering democracy in Africa, what has been the result of aid programs in South Africa focusing on political stability? |
| | A) | The increased political stability in the country has led to socioeconomic improvements and a decrease in the level of inequality. |
| | B) | Political stability has increased the amount of foreign investment and stimulated economic development. |
| | C) | The focus on political stability rather than socioeconomic change has not helped to decrease inequality or poverty in South Africa. |
| | D) | These programs have been ineffective in creating political stability. |
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| 37 | |
Rotberg attributes Africa's leadership deficit to several factors, including: |
| | A) | The tendency of the African electorate to acquiesce for long periods to the autocratic actions of their leaders. |
| | B) | The lack of a hegemonic bourgeoisie that is independent of government. |
| | C) | Presidents who believe they are the embodiment of the state. |
| | D) | All of the above |
| | E) | a and c only |
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| 38 | |
What is the main reason why Goldsmith believes increased democratization will encourage more responsible leadership in Africa? |
| | A) | It creates a less hazardous political environment, which decreases the incentives for leaders to use their power for their own purposes. |
| | B) | Leaders will be more responsive to the needs of the people so that they can get re-elected. |
| | C) | It will end the practice of using military coups to enact political change. |
| | D) | Leaders chosen through popular support are less likely to be corrupt. |
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| 39 | |
All of the following are ways that John Stremlau, who believes that international peacekeeping missions are critical to resolving ethnic conflicts in African countries, suggests the United States change its foreign policy towards Africa except which one? |
| | A) | designating conflict prevention as one of the main goals of U.S. foreign policy in Africa |
| | B) | increasing the funding for current U.S. programs that work on conflict prevention and peacekeeping in Africa |
| | C) | decreasing the involvement of U.S. peacekeeping forces in Africa and encouraging increased involvement of African peacekeeping forces |
| | D) | encouraging the involvement of business, human rights groups, and NGOs in conflict prevention in Africa |
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| 40 | |
Why does William Reno, who does not believe that international peacekeeping missions are critical to resolving ethnic conflicts in African countries, state that the ceasefire and negotiation strategies of the UN and the United States are problematic? |
| | A) | The peace agreements that are negotiated often do not take into account the interests of all parties involved. |
| | B) | Peace agreements often allow rebel groups to continue acquiring wealth and committing human rights abuses by recognizing their sovereignty. |
| | C) | Most of the peace agreements do not include a framework for a new system of governance. |
| | D) | The peace agreements generally involve a long-term commitment of international peacekeeping forces, which does not allow African countries to take part in the of their own internal conflicts. |
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