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| 1 | |
Michael Mandelbaum, who believes that American hegemony is good for the United States and the world, finds continuing criticism of the United States to be |
| | A) | increasing. |
| | B) | surprising. |
| | C) | normal. |
| | D) | undesirable. |
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| 2 | |
Jack Snyder, who does not believe that American hegemony is good for the United States and the world, contends that the concept of the threat of American attack in the view of the international community is |
| | A) | absurd. |
| | B) | all too credible. |
| | C) | exploited by countries like North Korea. |
| | D) | unlikely. |
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| 3 | |
Richard N. Haass, who believes that the United States is in decline, notes that, at first glance, it may appear that the world today is: |
| | A) | multipolar. |
| | B) | unipolar. |
| | C) | nonpolar. |
| | D) | bipolar. |
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| 4 | |
Robert J. Lieber, who does not believe that the United States is in decline, maintains that, by the early 1980s, declinism had: |
| | A) | reached its peak. |
| | B) | bottomed out. |
| | C) | become a form of historical chic. |
| | D) | merged with recidivism to become an essentially meaningless anachronism. |
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| 5 | |
According to Joseph Siegle, who believes that promoting democracy abroad should be a top U.S. priority, the best all-around measure of social welfare progress is |
| | A) | life expectancy. |
| | B) | infant mortality rates. |
| | C) | illiteracy. |
| | D) | access to clean drinking water. |
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| 6 | |
Tamara Cofman Wittes, who does not believe that promoting democracy abroad should be a top U.S. priority, asserts that the "nightmare to avoided at all costs" is the |
| | A) | Algeria problem. |
| | B) | Iraq problem. |
| | C) | Cambodia problem. |
| | D) | Islamic problem. |
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| 7 | |
Marc Lynch, who believes that the United States should withdraw from Iraq expeditiously, assesses the Iranian presidential elections as having a potentially significant effect on: |
| | A) | Taliban activity in Afghanistan and Iraq. |
| | B) | Israeli cooperation in a U.S.-Iranian coalition against Iraq. |
| | C) | U.S. oil dependence in the Middle East. |
| | D) | the U.S-Iran-Iraq triangle. |
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| 8 | |
David H. Petraeus, who does not believe that the United States should withdraw from Iraq expeditiously, explains that, during the surge of 2007, U.S. forces “employed non-kinetic means to exploit the opportunities provided by the conduct of our kinetic operations,” the effort of which was aided by the arrival of additional: |
| | A) | UN ground troops. |
| | B) | British air support. |
| | C) | Provincial Reconstruction Teams. |
| | D) | Israeli Special Forces. |
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| 9 | |
Norman Podhoretz, who believes that the United States should preemptively attack Iran’s emerging nuclear-weapons capability, warns that a specific purpose of Iran’s nuclear weaponry is the creation of what Mahmoud Ahmadinejad called: |
| | A) | an Islamic Empire. |
| | B) | a world without America. |
| | C) | Semitic Cleansing. |
| | D) | Iranian Imperialism. |
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| 10 | |
Scott D. Sagan, who does not believe that the United States should preemptively attack Iran’s emerging nuclear weapons capability, points out that the security threat to Tehran was significantly reduced by the: |
| | A) | election of Barack Obama in 2008. |
| | B) | Gulf War of 1991. |
| | C) | collapse of Saddam Hussein’s rule in 2003. |
| | D) | U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. |
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| 11 | |
Barnett R. Rubin and Ahmed Rashid, who believe that the United States should negotiate with the Taliban, claim that U.S. diplomacy has been paralyzed by: |
| | A) | a reluctance to move beyond the legacy of President George W. Bush. |
| | B) | a UN unwillingness to back fully American efforts against Middle East terrorism. |
| | C) | the obstinacy of the new governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan. |
| | D) | the rhetoric of “the war on terror.” |
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| 12 | |
Joseph J. Collins, who does not believe that the United States should negotiate with the Taliban, points out that 2008 ranks as the worst year for Taliban attacks in Afghanistan since the: |
| | A) | the collapse of the republic in 1992. |
| | B) | the capture of Kabul in 2001. |
| | C) | election of Karzai in 2004. |
| | D) | the NATO deployments of 2006. |
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| 13 | |
Nikolas Gvosdev, who believes that the United States should allow Russia more leeway in Eurasia in exchange for Russian help in stopping Iran’s nuclear program, maintains that seeking an accommodation with Russia will require U.S. policymakers to: |
| | A) | accept limits on what can be demanded of Russia. |
| | B) | be less wishy-washy about what is to be demanded of Russia. |
| | C) | invite other U.N. members into future negotiations. |
| | D) | establish clear and specific consequences for noncompliance. |
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| 14 | |
Stephen Sestanovich, who does not believe that the United States should allow Russia more leeway in Eurasia in exchange for Russian help in stopping Iran’s nuclear program, observes that the 2008 war in Georgia—and its aftermath—delivered a higher-voltage shock to U.S.- Russian relations than any event since: |
| | A) | the Yalta Conference. |
| | B) | the end of the Cold War. |
| | C) | Boris Spassky beat Bobby Fischer at chess. |
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| 15 | |
Aaron L. Friedberg, who believes that the United States should challenge a rising China, identifies China’s recent strategy in challenging American preeminence as: |
| | A) | a rapid move toward political reform. |
| | B) | a low-key, indirect approach to chip away at America’s strategic foundations. |
| | C) | a premature, frontal assault on America’s strategic position. |
| | D) | easy to assess and hard to ignore. |
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| 16 | |
Christopher Layne, who does not believe that the United States should challenge a rising China, points out that a commitment to the perpetuation of U.S. preponderance was embraced by the presidential administration of: |
| | A) | George H. W. Bush. |
| | B) | Bill Clinton. |
| | C) | George W. Bush. |
| | D) | all of the above. |
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| 17 | |
According to David C. Kang, who believes that the United States should seek negotiations and engagement with North Korea, an element missing from the original Agreed Framework was |
| | A) | missiles. |
| | B) | nuclear weapons. |
| | C) | light-water reactors. |
| | D) | a formal statement of nonaggression. |
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| 18 | |
The approach that Victor D. Cha, who does not believe that the United States should seek negotiations and engagement with North Korea, recommends for dealing with North Korea is a |
| | A) | carrot-and-stick approach. |
| | B) | sunshine policy. |
| | C) | policy of benign neglect. |
| | D) | hawk engagement approach. |
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| 19 | |
In response to the Oslo Accords of 1993, in which Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization agreed to begin a process of mutual recognition and eventual Palestinian statehood, Hamas: |
| | A) | reformed itself as a political party. |
| | B) | promised to expel members who advocated Israel’s destruction. |
| | C) | began a campaign of suicide bombing. |
| | D) | splintered into a number of factions, some more violent than others. |
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| 20 | |
According to Steven A. Cook and Shibley Telhami, a U.S. failure to forge an agreement for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will result in serious complications for other U.S. policies in the region because: |
| | A) | states in the region are likely to join together to oppose Israeli interests. |
| | B) | this issue influences how the Arab public views the United States. |
| | C) | it will prove a constant distraction for U.S. policy-makers. |
| | D) | Israel is likely to provoke a larger conflict within the region. |
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| 21 | |
One possible model for a final peace settlement between Israel and the other states of the Middle East is the: |
| | A) | Dayton Accords. |
| | B) | Oslo Accords. |
| | C) | Treaty of Paris. |
| | D) | Camp David Accords. |
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| 22 | |
In the illogic of the Middle East, Daniel Klaidman argues, war often serves as a means of: |
| | A) | solidifying alliances. |
| | B) | economic enlargement. |
| | C) | pursuing diplomacy. |
| | D) | encouraging foreign aid and investment. |
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| 23 | |
Without major reform on the part of the Cuban government, as maintained by Otto J. Reich, unrestricted U.S. trade with Cuba will: |
| | A) | lead to wasted opportunities. |
| | B) | only benefit the Castro regime. |
| | C) | empower the Cuban emigrants in the United States. |
| | D) | make the U.S. government look foolish. |
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| 24 | |
As explained by Reich, Cuba remains on the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism because: |
| | A) | the United States considers the Castros’ actions during the revolution to be terrorist in nature. |
| | B) | the United States wants to continue sending a strong message of disapproval. |
| | C) | Cuba harbors fugitives from U.S. justice. |
| | D) | Cuba maintains strong ties to Libya and Iran. |
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| 25 | |
George W. Bush, who believes that loosening immigration regulations is good for the United States, describes which one of the following as a key part of a proposed system for handling foreign workers? |
| | A) | an ID card for every legal foreign worker |
| | B) | reducing the amount of education and health care services to foreign workers and their families |
| | C) | providing amnesty for illegal foreign workers that already live and work in the United States |
| | D) | limiting the amount of time foreign workers can stay in America |
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| 26 | |
Mark Krikorian, who does not believe that loosening immigration regulations is good for the United States, concludes that the best strategy is one in which it becomes unappealing to |
| | A) | live and work in America. |
| | B) | deal with the bureaucracy of the immigration system. |
| | C) | be an illegal alien in the first place. |
| | D) | all of the above |
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| 27 | |
The ongoing debate over whether or not the U.S. government should intervene in the economy and develop an industrial policy has focused primarily on: |
| | A) | the overall balance of trade. |
| | B) | the retail sector. |
| | C) | protecting U.S. jobs. |
| | D) | raising import tariffs. |
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| 28 | |
The Doha Round of international trade talks was intended primarily to open up trade in: |
| | A) | pharmaceutical products. |
| | B) | agricultural products. |
| | C) | financial services. |
| | D) | light manufacturing. |
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| 29 | |
Prior to the industrial advances of the twentieth century, most of the carbon dioxide released into the atmosphere could be attributed to: |
| | A) | general population density. |
| | B) | agricultural byproducts. |
| | C) | natural disasters. |
| | D) | animal exhalation and burning wood. |
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| 30 | |
President George W. Bush opposed the international Kyoto Treaty in part because: |
| | A) | he feared it could hurt the U.S. economy. |
| | B) | it exempted developing countries from binding emissions standards. |
| | C) | compliance would be monitored by an independent, international body. |
| | D) | his administration was preoccupied with the war on terror. |
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| 31 | |
When it comes to addressing climate change, Nathan E. Hultman maintains, it is most important to address the: |
| | A) | short-term consequences of not taking action. |
| | B) | health consequences of energy conservation. |
| | C) | anticipated costs of adopting a new energy policy. |
| | D) | framing of the overall task. |
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| 32 | |
Philip J. Deutch, who does not believe that it is more realistic for the United States to move toward greater energy independence, supports the “comeback” of nuclear power because: |
| | A) | more efficient methods of waste disposal have been devised. |
| | B) | it reduces carbon emissions. |
| | C) | people’s fears over the use of nuclear power have been eased through education. |
| | D) | safety issues have been adequately addressed in the years since Three Mile Island. |
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| 33 | |
Richard A. Posner, who believes that it is justifiable to put suspected terrorists under great physical duress, would label all of the following as coercion except |
| | A) | inserting a sterilized needle under a suspect's fingernails. |
| | B) | using sleep deprivation to get information from a prisoner. |
| | C) | administering a truth serum to get information from a suspect. |
| | D) | subjecting a suspect to interrogation under bright lights. |
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| 34 | |
In the opinion of Phillip Carter, who does not believe that it is justifiable to put suspected terrorists under great physical duress, the road to abuses begins with |
| | A) | flawed administrative policies. |
| | B) | administrative indifference. |
| | C) | flawed human beings in positions of power. |
| | D) | poor leadership of military officials. |
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| 35 | |
Kenneth Roth, who believes that humanitarian intervention can be justified, supports military action in the case of |
| | A) | governments that are starving or otherwise harming their own citizens. |
| | B) | tyrants that impede the spread of democracy. |
| | C) | situations of mass slaughter. |
| | D) | none of the above |
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| 36 | |
Alan J. Kuperman, who does not believe that humanitarian intervention can be justified, warns that unless the West adopts his suggested reforms, more intervention might lead to |
| | A) | a decrease in international support. |
| | B) | an increase in terrorist recruitment. |
| | C) | an increase in killing. |
| | D) | all of the above |
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