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1 | | What is sexual dimorphism? |
| | A) | the unequal distribution of socially valued resources, power, prestige, and personal freedom between men and women |
| | B) | differences in male and female biology besides the contrasts in breasts and genitals |
| | C) | the contrast between women's role in the home and men's role in public life |
| | D) | oversimplified but strongly held ideas about the characteristics of males and females |
| | E) | the belief that human behavior and social organization are biologically determined |
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2 | | The traits that a culture assigns to and inculcates in males and females are known as |
| | A) | gender stratification. |
| | B) | sexual dimorphism. |
| | C) | sexual orientation. |
| | D) | sex. |
| | E) | gender. |
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3 | | In foraging societies, when do men and women have roughly equal status? |
| | A) | when the public and domestic spheres are not sharply divided |
| | B) | when gathering plays a minor role in subsistence |
| | C) | when the public and domestic spheres are sharply divided |
| | D) | when hunting is the dominant subsistence activity |
| | E) | All foraging societies are characterized by a high degree of gender stratification. |
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4 | | Which of the following statements regarding the domestic-public dichotomy is not true? |
| | A) | It promotes gender stratification. |
| | B) | Women's activities tend to be closer to home than men's activities are. |
| | C) | Public activities frequently have greater prestige than domestic ones do. |
| | D) | It is most pronounced in foraging societies. |
| | E) | It divides activities and obligations based on gender. |
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5 | | Which of the following statements about gender in foraging societies is not true? |
| | A) | It is among foragers that public and domestic spheres are the least separate. |
| | B) | The gender hierarchy is least marked among foragers. |
| | C) | Aggression and competition between the genders is most strongly discouraged among foragers. |
| | D) | Because there is a strict division of labor according to gender, men never engage in food gathering and women never hunt or fish. |
| | E) | The spheres of influence of men and women overlap the most in foraging societies. |
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6 | | Which of the following statements about matrilineal, matrilocal societies is not true? |
| | A) | Matriliny and matrilocality disperse related males. |
| | B) | In matrilineal and matrilocal societies, while women have considerable influence beyond the household, men still control the land and are the sole benefactors of family inheritance. |
| | C) | Matrilineal, matrilocal societies tend to occur in settings where population pressure on strategic resources is minimal. |
| | D) | Women tend to have high status in matrilineal, matrilocal societies. |
| | E) | Matrilineal, matrilocal societies tend to occur in settings where warfare is infrequent. |
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7 | | A political system ruled by men in whom women have inferior social and political status, including basic human rights, is known as |
| | A) | patriliny. |
| | B) | matriliny. |
| | C) | matriarchy. |
| | D) | patrilocality. |
| | E) | patriarchy. |
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8 | | Which of the following is not part of the patrilineal-patrilocal complex? |
| | A) | warfare |
| | B) | patriliny |
| | C) | reduced gender stratification |
| | D) | patrilocality |
| | E) | male supremacy |
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9 | | What part of Papua New Guinea is known for having strong male-female avoidance? |
| | A) | the sparsely populated regions |
| | B) | the coasts |
| | C) | the lowlands |
| | D) | the densely populated highlands |
| | E) | All parts of Papua New Guinea are known for having strong male-female avoidance. |
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10 | | Which of the following statements about Etoro sexuality is not true? |
| | A) | Heterosexual sex was discouraged. |
| | B) | Homosexual sex between older and younger males was encouraged. |
| | C) | Homosexual sex between young males of the same age was discouraged. |
| | D) | People viewed as "sex-hungry" were shunned as witches. |
| | E) | Heterosexual sex took place in the residence of the wife's family. |
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11 | | Which of the following did not occur with the advent of agriculture? |
| | A) | Women lost their role as primary cultivators. |
| | B) | Women began to assert themselves in extradomestic contexts. |
| | C) | Belief systems began to contrast men's valuable labor with women's inferior roles. |
| | D) | Women became increasingly restricted to the domestic sphere. |
| | E) | Female sexuality was more carefully supervised. |
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12 | | The Betsileo illustrate |
| | A) | the idea that intensive agriculture does not necessarily entail sharp gender stratification. |
| | B) | the problem of having women neglect their domestic duties. |
| | C) | how difficult agriculture is without sharp gender stratification. |
| | D) | that women may claim to contribute to subsistence activities, but in reality they do very little. |
| | E) | The Betsileo demonstrate none of the above. |
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13 | | When did the idea that "a woman's place is in the home" develop in the United States? |
| | A) | around 1800 |
| | B) | around 1850 |
| | C) | around 1900 |
| | D) | around 1950 |
| | E) | The idea that "a woman's place is in the home" has always existed in the United States. |
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14 | | Which of the following is not a factor contributing to the worldwide increase in female-headed households? |
| | A) | lower divorce rates |
| | B) | civil strife |
| | C) | male migration |
| | D) | widowhood |
| | E) | the idea that children are women's responsibility |
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15 | | Which of the following statements concerning human sexuality is not true? |
| | A) | Culture always plays a role in molding individual sexual urges toward a collective norm. |
| | B) | There is not enough information at this time to determine the exact extent to which sexual orientation is based on biology. |
| | C) | Sexuality—like all human activities and preferences—is at least partially culturally constructed. |
| | D) | All societies consider same-sex sexual activity to be abnormal and unacceptable. |
| | E) | Sexual norms vary considerably both cross-culturally and through time. |
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